Society, Culture, & Thought

Permanent URI for this collection

https://hdl.handle.net/11209/10471

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 40

Border Crossings Ink in the Gutter: Comics and Migration to Catalonia
(2020) Harris, Sarah D.
'They Tried To Bury Us; They Didn't Know We Were Seeds' Intergenerational Memory and La casa
(2021) Harris, Sarah D.
Global Justice and the Challenge of Radical Pluralism
(2004-08) Voice, Paul
Political philosophy has been under the sway of a certain picture since Rawls's A Theory of Justice was published in 1971. This picture combines the idea that the problem of justice should be approached from the direction oi ideal normative theory, and that there are some anchoring ideas that secure the justificatory role of a hypothetical agreement. I think this picture and the hold it has over political philosophy is beginning to fragment. This fragmentation I think is most evident in the skepticism that has become a routine response to the Kantian idea that 'we' can 'discover' the terms of an agreement that has both a categorical force and a universal scope. But as the picture fragments we are still left with the framework and vocabulary of Rawls's difficult and elaborate theory. The major difficulty confronting the Rawlsian project (the problem of pluralism as I will argue below) is itself defined in terms of Rawls's conceptual language. And this serves only to obscure the real challenge and keep us 'bewitched' by Rawls's narrow way of seeing issues. In being bewitched in this way we do not see that the problem of pluralism confronts Rawls's project as a whole, rather than requiring adjustments and accommodations.
What Do Liberal Democratic States Owe the Victims of Disasters? A Rawlsian Account
(Society for Applied Philosophy, 2016-11) Voice, Paul
Is there a principled way to understand what liberal democratic states owe, as a matter of justice, to the victims (survivors) of disasters? This article shows what is normatively special and distinctive about disasters and argues for the view that there are substantial duties of justice for liberal democratic states. The article rejects both a libertarian and a utilitarian approach to this question and, based on broadly Rawlsian principles, argues for a ‘political definition’ of disasters that is concerned with the restoration of citizens’ dignity and their capacities for effective citizenship.
21st Century American Environmental ideologies: a Re-evaluation
(Routledge, 2017-11-29) Hultgren, John
ABSTRACT Around the turn of the century, myriad books and articles – from academics, journalists, organizational leaders and grassroots activists – explored the state of American environmentalism, outlining ideological antagonisms and tracing the contours of possible twenty-first century trajectories. In recent years, however, there have been few such analyses, and those that do exist continue to rely on the ideal types of the past. This article explores the shifting ideological contours of American environmentalism by (1) detailing how extant works categorize American environmental ideologies, and (2) employing discourse and content analysis of sixteen American environmental organizations to consider whether existing ideal-types capture the ideological variability driving contemporary environmental practice. It concludes by outlining six twenty-first century American environmental ideal-types: wilderness preservationism; liberal environmentalism; traditional environmental justice; techno-ecological optimism; socio-ecological progressivism; and socio-ecological radicalism. The article argues that the latter three ideological variants signal an ontological shift that cuts to the core of environmental practice.
Those Who Bring From the Earth: Anti- Environmentalism and the Trope of the White Male Worker
(Routledge, 2018-03-26) Hultgren, John
The 2016 Republican Party platform is unabashed in its rejection of environmental principles and its embrace of extractive labor. Its ‘Natural Resources’ section reads: ‘[w]e are the party of America's growers, producers, farmers, ranchers, foresters, miners, commercial fishermen, and all those who bring from the earth the crops, minerals, energy, and the bounties of our seas.’ What is interesting about this statement is its selective view of productive labor. Not all who bring from the earth are equally valued within the American conservative worldview. What accounts for the outsized role of white male workers in the discourses of American conservatives?
“We Didn’t Talk About the Conflict”: The Birthright Trip’s Influence on Jewish Americans’ Understanding of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict
(American Psychological Association, 2018-02) Ben Hagai, Ella; Whitlatch, Adam; Zurbriggen, Eileen L.
Emerging adulthood is a time of identity exploration during which youth actively engage with beliefs and values that shape their political orientation. In this study, we examine the processes and consequences of young adults’ exploration of their Jewish identity as it is embedded in the Birthright trip (a free 10-day trip to Israel that is offered to Jewish American emerging adults). In a pretrip/posttrip survey, we found significant increases in Birthright participants’ endorsement of the Jewish root narrative on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict (Jewish people want to live in peace but must defend themselves), disavowal of the Palestinian narrative and understanding of the conflict, sense of collective victimhood, and understanding of the conflict as a zero-sum game. In a separate interview study, participants’ narratives of the trip suggested that identification with the Israeli soldiers as being “just like us” as well as border-making between safe (Jewish) and unsafe (Arab) spaces, led to an understanding of the conflict that was based on the Jewish root narrative. Our findings highlight some less examined consequences of identity exploration among emerging adults who are members of groups enmeshed in violent conflict.
Intersecting Alliances: Non-Palestinian Activists in Support of Palestine
(American Psychological Association, 2018-01) Hill, Sophia; Ben Hagai, Ella; Zurbriggen, Eileen L.
Influenced by social identity theory, psychologists have focused primarily on the role of shared identity in leading people to engage in collective action. In this study, we are concerned with the factors that lead individuals who do not share a collective identity to act in solidarity with an outgroup. We explored this question by looking at the narratives and motives that brought non-Palestinian university students to participate in collective action for Palestine. In-depth interviews with campus activists and a yearlong observation of campus debates over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict suggested a number of motives for solidarity activism. First, activists drew parallels between their in-group collective narrative and the collective narrative of the Palestinians. Second, an intersectional narrative of identity increased activist self-efficacy by highlighting the ways that activists were both marginalized and privileged. Third, activists explained their affinity to these narratives as rooted in personal experiences with marginalization and discrimination. A final motive arose through the practice of coalition building that further empowered students of different minority groups. Findings from this study contribute to an understanding of the current surge in Palestinian solidarity activism on college campuses in the United States.
Between Tikkun Olam and Self-Defense: Young Jewish Americans Debate the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
(PsychOpen, 2017) Ben Hagai, Ella; Zurbriggen, Eileen L.
In this study, we examined processes associated with ingroup members’ break from their ingroup and solidarity with the outgroup. We explored these processes by observing the current dramatic social change in which a growing number of young Jewish Americans have come to reject Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. We conducted a yearlong participant observation and in-depth interviews with 27 Jewish American college students involved in Israel advocacy on a college campus. Findings suggest that Jewish Americans entering the Jewish community in college came to learn about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a lens of Jewish vulnerability. A bill proposed by Palestinian solidarity organizations to divest from companies associated with Israel (part of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions or BDS movement) was also interpreted through the lens of Israel's vulnerability. As the college’s Student Union debated the bill, a schism emerged in the Jewish community. Some Jewish students who had a strong sense of their Jewish identity and grounded their Judaism in principles of social justice exhibited a greater openness to the Palestinian narrative of the conflict. Understanding of Palestinian dispossession was associated with the rejection of the mainstream Jewish establishment’s unconditional support of Israel. Moreover, dissenting Jewish students were concerned that others in the campus community would perceive them as denying the demands of people of color. We discuss our observations of the process of social change in relation to social science theories on narrative acknowledgment and collective action.
Queering Bem: Theoretical Intersections between Sandra Bem’s Scholarship and Queer Theory
(Springer, 2015) Balzer Carr, Brandon; Ben Hagai, Ella; Zurbriggen, Eileen L.
Sandra Bem revolutionized psychology with her research on gender, androgyny, and gender schematicity, which culminated in her book, The Lenses of Gender. Her work also provides a model for how to cross inter-disciplinary lines to enhance scholarship and reach political goals. We analyze similarities and differences between Bem's scholarship and scholarship in queer theory, a theoretical movement in the humanities that analyzes discourses that construct man/woman and straight/gay binaries. There are important overlaps between Bem’s lenses of gender (biological essentialism, gender polarization, and androcentrism) and the ideas of many queer theorists. There are also several interesting differences between Bem’s ideas and queer theory: attention to the intrapsychic processes that make up gender, the extent to which individuals can be liberated from gender, proliferating versus contesting gender, intersectionality, and epistemology and methodology. By assessing the similarities and differences between Bem and queer theorists, we show that the two complement each other, affording a better understanding of gender and sexuality. Additionally, both Bem and queer theory lend insight into feminist and queer activism. The theoretical and political advances that can be made by integrating Bem’s ideas and those of queer theorists serve as examples for why it is worthwhile to cross disciplinary lines.
Negotiating privacy and intimacy on social media: Review and recommendations
(American Psychological Association, 2016) Zurbriggen, Eileen L.; Ben Hagai, Ella; Leon, Gabrielle
Social media pose a privacy paradox: most users indicate they are concerned about their privacy, yet they share personal information widely on social media platforms. The affordances of social media (connectivity, visibility, social feedback, persistence, and accessibility) and their ability to enhance social communication and interpersonal relationships help to explain their attraction for users. At the same time, the risks to privacy are real and serious. We review privacy issues in a variety of domains of social media use including friendships, romantic relationships, parental, workplace/professional and therapist/client. To resolve the privacy paradox and fully protect privacy will likely require changes in laws, technology, and individual and social practices. These changes are worth pursuing so that people can reap the benefits of social media use without losing the many benefits of privacy.
Reflections on Harmdoing
(American Psychological Association, 2015-08) Ben Hagai, Ella; Crosby, Faye J.
In this discussion we touch on a major theme of the six articles in this issue: the negative harmful consequences of doing harm and especially of engaging in violence. We then bring into relief two connected questions that emerge from the pieces: What are the antecedents or causes of violence? How can one prevent further violence? We close by mentioning questions for further research.
Beliefs Predicting Peace, Beliefs Predicting War: Jewish Americans and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
(Wiley, 2013-12) Ben Hagai, Ella; Zurbriggen, Eileen L.; Hammack, Phillip L.; Ziman, Megan
Jewish Americans’ beliefs about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can serve either to inhibit or to facilitate the peace process between Israel and the Palestinians. Attitudes toward conflict resolution and beliefs about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its origins were assessed among a sample of 177 Jewish Americans. Endorsement of a monolithic view of the conflict represented the strongest predictor of non-compromising attitudes toward the Palestinians. Endorsement of dehumanizing and delegitimizing statements about the Palestinians predicted non-compromising attitudes to a much lesser extent. A zero-sum view of the conflict and beliefs about collective victimhood did not predict non-compromising attitudes toward conflict resolution. Findings are discussed in terms of their challenge to theories of collective victimhood in conflict settings and their support for the centrality of narrative in conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
The “Nature” of American Immigration Restrictionism
(Routledge, 2014) Hultgren, John
How do commitments to nature factor into the American immigration restrictionist movement? This question initially appears odd; in contemporary American politics, environmentalism is generally assumed to be a value of the political left, and restrictionism of the right. Through an in-depth analysis of the American “environmental restrictionist” logic, this article suggests that the reality is more complicated. First, the historical trajectory of the relationship between nature and restrictionism is outlined, demonstrating that commitments to particular conceptions of nature have long intersected with American restrictionism. Second, textual analysis, semi-structured interviews, and content analysis are employed in analyzing how contemporary activists making the environmental argument against immigration conceptualize nature and relate it to foundational ideals of political community, political economy, and governance. Three discourses of environmental restrictionism are identified, and the role that nature plays in each is detailed. The article concludes by reflecting on the resonance of these “natures” with mainstream American greens, and offering several prescriptions for environmentalists concerned with inclusion and social justice.
Natural Exceptions to Green Sovereignty? American Environmentalism and the ‘‘Immigration Problem’’
(Sage, 2012) Hultgren, John
Rather than making any general claims supporting or opposing the ‘‘greening’’ of sovereignty, this article examines the variable discourses through which the ethos of ecosovereignty is reconfigured. The questions that drive this inquiry are (1) through what discursive pathways do conceptions of nature, political community, and governance intersect to constitute exclusionary ethoses of ecosovereignty? and (2) how might alternative articulations challenge such exclusions? These questions are pursued by examining the contemporary American ‘‘environmental restrictionist’’ (immigration reduction environmentalist) movement, and critical responses to the movement. It traces how nature, political community, and governance are conceptualized and related to one another in efforts to bolster alternative configurations of ecosovereignty. By gaining insight into the various discourses through which iterations of ecosovereignty emerge, scholars and practitioners might better respond to the multiplicity of ways that nature becomes enmeshed in exclusionary social forms.
Hybrid Forms of Dispute Resolution and Access to Justice in Afghanistan: Conceptual Challenges, Opportunities and Concerns
(Hamida Barmaki Organization for the Rule of Law, 2015-03) Coburn, Noah; Röder, Tilmann J.; Zia, Sayed Hameed
While the growing interest in informal justice is an important step in understanding the various forms of access to justice in Afghanistan and elsewhere, the conceptual dichotomy between formal and informal justice misinterprets the actual hybrid nature of accessing justice that most Afghans experience currently. Hybridity in access to justice, as opposed to duality, appears on all levels of the justice system from the Constitution to the resolution of local land disputes. This hybridity helps many gain access to justice since it makes up for an underdeveloped formal system while offering a system that is both faster and more flexible than a purely state system. The flexible nature of the system, however, also raises important concerns about issues such as “forum shopping” – i.e. the phenomenon of parties of a dispute selecting differing conflict resolution mechanism thought most likely to produce a favorable result – and the protection of individual rights. Both academics and policy makers could help improve access to justice across the population by rethinking the frames that they use to think about how disputes are being resolved and justice issues are being addressed.
Afghanistan: The 2014 Vote and the Troubled Future of Elections
(The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, 2015-03) Coburn, Noah
The September 2014 power-sharing agreement between Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah only partially resolved the political crisis that followed Afghanistan’s disputed presidential elections. The compromise of Ghani’s inauguration as president and Abdullah’s appointment to the new role of chief executive officer ended a stand-off that had threatened a political collapse, but in-fighting has continued to impede the day-to-day functions of government. The post-election crisis, and the extraconstitutional negotiations it generated, highlighted the weakness of the legal framework, which was unable to provide an effective, transparent transfer of power. A timely assessment of the flawed 2014 transition is needed if stakeholders are to address the concerns arising from it and prevent further damage to democratic institutions. This is of particular relevance for the management of future votes, including upcoming parliamentary elections. The 2014 crisis has created opportunities for reform, in part by disrupting a political system reliant on patronage. Popular dissatisfaction with the status quo could create space for devolution of some powers to local levels. The crisis has also potentially provided the United Nations with a more central role in supporting democratization. Obstacles to reform include the timing of parliamentary polls in 2015 and the weakness of the electoral agencies that oversaw the 2014 transition. A commitment to transparent elections by the Afghan government, the ruling elite and the international community is imperative. Failure to undertake reform will undermine the notion of democratic elections for the Afghan public.
Why Vote in 2014? Afghan Views of the Elections
(The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, 2014-04) Larson, Anna; Coburn, Noah
A surprising number of urban Afghans are planning to vote in the elections on 5 April, despite recent attacks on electoral officials, the threat of more general violence, the precedent set for widespread electoral fraud in 2009, suspected backroom deals between elites and rumours of international meddling. Further, an overwhelming majority of those interviewed in a Chatham House-sponsored project suggested there was no alternative to elections as a means to transfer power, indicating that international support for the electoral process is welcome and necessary. However, participation is less about an embrace of democratic practice or the policy platforms of different candidates than about wanting a peaceful handover of power and a secure rather than violent future. To this end, reasons for voting are not so much about choosing the kind of government that people want to see established, but instead to ensure that a government of sorts is established. The reasons include religious and/or moral duty; needing to counter fraudulent votes with ‘real’ ones; needing to convince elites that elections are the only means of transferring power from one president to the next; making a stand against Taliban attempts to disrupt the process; and demonstrating the size of the candidates’ support bases. These elections are also seen as a harbinger of the country’s political trajectory over the medium term. Whether parliamentary elections occur in 2015 very much depends on what happens this year. Much speculation, both positive and negative, exists about the role of international actors, with rumours of international interference in the outcome countered by a widespread desire for an international presence at the polling stations and in the medium to long term through the Bilateral Security Agreement) (BSA). This potential mandate for assistance is encouraging, but must be considered carefully if it is to lead to a productive relationship between the new Afghan government and the international community. For the Taliban, the elections will involve a show of strength to disrupt the process as far as possible, without going so far as to lose credibility among the members of Afghan society whose support they have won.
Looking Beyond 2014: Elections in Afghanistan’s Evolving Political Context
(The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2014-02) Coburn, Noah
With the continued drawdown of international troops and a presidential election, 2014 will be a crucial year for Afghanistan. However, as the elections approach, there is a need to make policy and programmatic decisions aimed at the longer-term promotion of democracy and good governance in the country. While selecting a successor to President Hamid Karzai is paramount in the minds of many Afghans and international observers, it is important to maintain focus on other significant issues closely tied to the electoral process. These include the wider historical and regional context of these elections and the overall democratization process; the importance of the simultaneous provincial council elections and potential repercussions on future rounds of voting, particularly in 2015; the impact on younger voters as the country continues to undergo deep demographic shifts; and the potential for both local and national level upheaval as political actors reposition themselves and restructure patronage networks in response to the outcomes of the elections. The potential for the international community to play a continuing role in supporting the promotion of democracy in Afghanistan also remains significant.
Electoral Turnout in Afghanistan: An Act of Defiance?
(The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, 2014-04) Larson, Anna; Coburn, Noah
This paper, the second of three on voter perceptions in the Afghan elections, analyses the reactions of a select group of Afghans to the elections in urban areas. It is based upon ongoing research and data collected in the weeks before and during the elections. This has been undertaken by experienced Afghan and international researchers who covered the 2009/10 elections in the same areas of Kabul, allowing for comparative analysis. Respondents included a broad sample of voters, young and old, literate and illiterate, male and female, from a range of occupations, ethnic groups and backgrounds.

Browse

Recent Submissions